Indonesian political Islam fails again

<div align="center"> <table border="0" cellpadding="0" class="MsoNormalTable" style="mso-cellspacing: 1.5pt; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184; width: 636px;"> <tbody><tr style="height: 38.25pt; mso-yfti-firstrow: yes; mso-yfti-irow: 0; mso-yfti-lastrow: yes;"> <td style="height: 38.25pt; padding: .75pt .75pt .75pt .75pt; width: 474.15pt;" valign="top" width="632"> <h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 0cm; tab-stops: center 236.3pt left 379.35pt right 472.65pt; text-align: center;"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 20.0pt;">Indonesian political Islam fails again   <o:p></o:p></span></h1><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "FranklinGothic-ExtraCond","sans-serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: FranklinGothic-ExtraCond;">Saidiman Ahmad  ;</span>   <em><span style="font-size: 13pt;">The writer, a student at the Crawford School of Public Policy at Australian National University, was editor of Pembaharuan tanpa apologia?  Esai-esai tentang Ahmad Wahib (Reform without apology? Essays on Ahmad Wahib, 2010)</span></em><i><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 13pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></div></td> </tr></tbody></table></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">JAKARTA POST, 16 April 2014<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span></i></b><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">                                     </span></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 206.35pt 268.65pt;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">                                                                                          <o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 164.95pt 187.0pt;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">                                                              <o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div><table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoNormalTable" style="border-collapse: collapse; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184;"> <tbody><tr> <td style="padding: 0cm 2.8pt 0cm 0cm; width: 468.0pt;" valign="top" width="624"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The legislative election has again shown how political Islam has failed in Indonesia. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This failure, as cited by Olivier Roy in 1992, highlights how Islamic ideology has been eroded day by day in the Muslim world. This does not mean that all Islamic political parties will collapse. They may still dominate the result of the elections, but not because of their Islamic ideology.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Compared to their achievements in 1995, the performance of Islamic political parties in terms of vote percentage has decreased by more than half. In the three last elections, they only gained about 13 to 15 percent of the popular vote. Such parties referred to here are limited to those using an Islamic ideology at their foundation. Even though they have an Islamic community base, the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) cannot be included as Islamic parties because of their basic principles, which include the state ideology of Pancasila instead of Islam. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Islamic political parties have tended to tone down their ideological stance during political campaigns. The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) even invited a church choir to sing its anthem. It also proposed some non-Muslim figures as legislative candidates, located its national conference in Bali, and so on. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The discourse on an Islamic state has disappeared from all Islamic political parties’ campaigns, replaced by issues linked to economic and national independence, bureaucratic reform and the fight against corruption. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Most Indonesians do not support issues on the Islamic political agenda such as the prohibition on women running for president, amputations for thieves and the mandatory wearing of headscarves, as cited by political researchers Saiful Mujani and William Liddle. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The most popular argument about democratization in Indonesia is related to moderate Islam in the country. Greg Fealy and Sally White use the term “indigenized” Islam or “Indonesianized” Islam to show how pre-existing religions and culture in Indonesia infiltrate and shape a new form of Islam — “Indonesian Islam”. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The role of Muslim intellectuals has also been identified as a significant element supporting democracy and the idea of freedom. Greg Barton classified several intellectuals as “liberal Muslims”, arguing they had developed a progressive form of Islamic political thought that subsequently became the foundation for democratic building in Indonesia.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Another argument relates to the role of Islamic civil society. Michael Buehler, for instance, argues that the fragmentation of Islamic authority in Indonesia’s civil society is the main reason why Islam and democracy can live together in the country.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In general, Muslim countries do not have very different experiences in terms of the indigenization of Islam, the fragmentation of Islamic authority and the existence of Muslim liberal scholars. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The difference of Indonesia is that Muslim-democratic scholars spread their ideas about democracy and freedom through organizations. They institutionalize their Islamic progressive ideas. There are four long-established Islamic institutions that can be provided as examples here: Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), State Islamic University (UIN) and the Islamic Students Association (HMI). <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Muhammadiyah is a Muslim modernist organization from which several progressive Muslim thinkers have emerged. Muhammadiyah has thousands of schools transmitting the progressive ideas of their leaders. Another scholar of Islam, Nakamura (2012), explains that the establishment of Muhammadiyah was not only representative of the Muslim organization in the modern era, but also as a social and intellectual explosion.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">NU, meanwhile, is one of the world’s largest Muslim organizations with about 60 million members. Known as a traditionalist organization, NU can accommodate local cultures and has played a big role in moderate Islam in Indonesia, through its many progressive Muslim thinkers and its thousands of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren).The other institutions, the 14 Islamic state universities across the country, have been established since 1963 to accommodate Islamic school alumni (mostly from NU pesantren and Muhammadiyah schools). Since the 1980s, a former rector of the State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) Jakarta, Harun Nasution, introduced Islam and Western philosophy and theology as compulsory courses in those universities. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">From this curriculum, critical thinking was injected into mainstream Islamic universities in Indonesia. That explains the production of many critical Muslim thinkers from IAIN/UIN.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The last institution is HMI, the largest student organization in Indonesia. An Indonesian liberal thinker, Nurcholish Madjid, who is also former HMI chairman, wrote a document on the basic values of HMI. This progressive document has become the key at every level of HMI’s annual training sessions, involving thousands of members. Many key figures in most political parties are HMI alumni. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Islamic political parties have been losing their ideological articulation since the Islamic academic community moved in a more liberal and progressive direction. The counter argument to the idea of political Islam has not come from the nationalistic or secular community, but mainly from inside Islam itself.<i> </i></span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">●</span></div></td></tr></tbody></table>

Indonesian political Islam fails again    Saidiman Ahmad  ;    The writer, a student at the Crawford School of Public Policy at A...

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Mengukur Peluang Partai Islam

<div align="center"> <table border="0" cellpadding="0" class="MsoNormalTable" style="mso-cellspacing: 1.5pt; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184; width: 636px;"> <tbody><tr style="height: 38.25pt; mso-yfti-firstrow: yes; mso-yfti-irow: 0; mso-yfti-lastrow: yes;"> <td style="height: 38.25pt; padding: .75pt .75pt .75pt .75pt; width: 474.15pt;" valign="top" width="632"> <h1 align="center" style="margin-top: 0cm; tab-stops: center 236.3pt left 379.35pt right 472.65pt; text-align: center;"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 20.0pt;">Mengukur Peluang Partai Islam<o:p></o:p></span></h1><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "FranklinGothic-ExtraCond","sans-serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: FranklinGothic-ExtraCond;">Saidiman Ahmad  ;</span>   <i><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13.0pt;">Mahasiswa Australian National University<o:p></o:p></span></i></div></td> </tr></tbody></table></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">TEMPO.CO, 02 April 2014<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span></i></b><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">                                     </span></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 206.35pt 268.65pt;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">                                                                                          <o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 164.95pt 187.0pt;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">                                                              <o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div><table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="MsoNormalTable" style="border-collapse: collapse; mso-padding-alt: 0cm 0cm 0cm 0cm; mso-yfti-tbllook: 1184;"> <tbody><tr> <td style="padding: 0cm 2.8pt 0cm 0cm; width: 468.0pt;" valign="top" width="624"> <div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Tujuh orang berpose. Lima perempuan. Dua laki-laki. Masing-masing membawa poster putih-hitam-kuning lambang Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). Lima perempuan itu tak berkerudung. Dibiarkannya rambut sebahu mereka jatuh ke pundak. Di Gelora Bung Karno, pada kampanye besar PKS, paduan suara Gereja Spiritus Santos, Ende, Nusa Tenggara Barat, dipercaya menyanyikan lagu mars partai dakwah itu.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Apa yang menjelaskan ini semua? Bagaimana sebuah partai yang lahir dari gerakan Islamis (Muhtadi 2012) bisa tampil dengan aroma pluralisme yang sangat kentara? Apakah partai Islamis ini sudah tidak cukup percaya diri dengan kekuatan ideologi Islam yang mereka usung untuk meraih suara publik muslim Indonesia?<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Sebuah studi ambisius dilakukan oleh Charles Kurzman dan Ijlal Naqvi (2010), <i>Do Muslims Vote Islamic?</i>, untuk melacak tren prestasi partai-partai Islam di 21 negara dalam rentang waktu 40 tahun (1969 sampai 2009). Walaupun masing-masing pemilu memiliki tingkat kebebasan dan kejujuran yang bervariasi, secara keseluruhan prestasi partai-partai Islam sangat tidak meyakinkan (hlm. 55). <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Di beberapa tempat seperti Aljazair, Turki, Tunisia, dan Mesir, partai Islam belakangan memang keluar sebagai pemenang pemilu. Namun jargon-jargon kampanye yang mereka usung cenderung tidak Islamis. Hampir semua partai Islamis itu justru mengusung jargon perubahan ekonomi, keadilan sosial, pemberantasan korupsi, dan semacam itu. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Apakah ideologi Islamis tidak laku? Penjelasan terbaik untuk pertanyaan ini dikemukakan oleh Tom Pepinsky, William Liddle, dan Saiful Mujani (2012). Artikel mereka, <i>Testing Islam's Political Advantage: Evidence from Indonesia</i>, berusaha melacak apakah partai-partai Islam memiliki keunggulan komparatif dengan ideologi Islam yang mereka usung. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Mari kita masuk sedikit lebih detail soal metodologi yang digunakan oleh Mujani dkk dalam studi ini. Studi ini menggunakan data kuantitatif dari survei opini publik yang dilakukan secara nasional pada 2008. Mereka membagi partai-partai di Indonesia ke dalam dua kelompok besar: partai Islam dan partai Pancasila. Ketiga peneliti itu kemudian mengasumsikan tiga kondisi pengenalan pemilih pada platform ekonomi partai: yakin positif, tidak jelas, dan yakin negatif. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan eksperimental, kedua kelompok partai dan asumsi keadaan itu disimulasikan. Pertanyaan besarnya adalah partai mana yang akan dipilih oleh pemilih jika mereka tahu program ekonomi dua kelompok partai itu sama-sama buruk, sama-sama baik, dan tidak tahu atau ragu. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Temuannya sangat menarik. Secara umum, para pemilih Indonesia cenderung menjatuhkan pilihan pada partai-partai Pancasila jika mereka secara jelas mengetahui program kedua partai, baik dalam kesan positif maupun negatif. Partai-partai Islam hanya punya keunggulan untuk terpilih jika platform ekonomi partai tidak jelas di mata pemilih. Jelasnya, dalam pertarungan antara partai Islam dan partai Pancasila, hanya ketika pemilih tidak yakin ihwal tawaran program kedua partai itulah partai Islam cenderung memiliki keunggulan elektoral. <o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Temuan ini secara meyakinkan menantang argumen kaum esensialis yang menyatakan bahwa Islam sekonyong-konyong akan menarik preferensi publik pemilih semata-mata karena ia mengusung Islam. Di sisi yang lain, studi ini juga secara serius menantang kaum reduksionis yang menyatakan Islam sebagai ideologi sama sekali bukan faktor dalam perilaku pemilih Indonesia. Selain itu, studi ini lebih jauh juga menjelaskan bagaimana ideologi itu memiliki keunggulan. Wajar bahwa paper yang disusun oleh Pepinsky, Liddle, dan Mujani ini kemudian diganjar penghargaan Franklin L. Burdette/Pi Sigma Alpha dari <i>American Political Science Association</i> (APSA) sebagai paper terbaik dalam konferensi mereka pada 2012.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Mengacu pada penjelasan akademis ini, memburuknya prediksi perolehan suara partai-partai Islam bisa disebabkan oleh dua kemungkinan: <i>persepsi yang baik atas tawaran program dua kelompok partai (Islam dan Pancasila), atau sebaliknya, pemilih yakin bahwa tawaran kebijakan semua partai sama buruknya</i>. Prasyarat kondisi kebimbangan tidak dominan terjadi, sehingga preferensi publik secara umum pada ideologi Islam tidak berkembang.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dengan demikian, kampanye dengan semangat toleransi, pluralisme, dukungan pada pertumbuhan ekonomi, pemberantasan korupsi, reformasi birokrasi, dan sederet agenda politik sekuler lainnya ada kemungkinan adalah strategi terbaik bagi partai-partai Islam untuk bertahan. Menampilkan wajah yang terlalu berwarna Islamis akan membuat partai-partai ini terperosok lebih jauh. Namun meninggalkan ideologi Islam sama sekali juga bukan pilihan bijak bagi mereka. Sebab, masih ada sekelompok pemilih yang memandang Islam sebagai satu-satunya alasan bagi mereka untuk memilih partai. </span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.0pt; line-height: 150%;">●</span></div></td></tr></tbody></table>

Mengukur Peluang Partai Islam Saidiman Ahmad  ;    Mahasiswa Australian National University TEMPO.CO, 02 April 2014             ...

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